{"id":2649,"date":"2026-06-30T19:08:38","date_gmt":"2026-06-30T19:08:38","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/hometransferguide.com\/?p=2649"},"modified":"2026-06-30T19:08:38","modified_gmt":"2026-06-30T19:08:38","slug":"exclusive-mike-lee-explains-how-lbj-broke-a-filibuster-and-what-it-means-for-the-save-america-act","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/hometransferguide.com\/?p=2649","title":{"rendered":"EXCLUSIVE: Mike Lee Explains How LBJ Broke A Filibuster And What It Means For The SAVE America Act"},"content":{"rendered":"
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<\/p>\n

Republican Utah Sen. Mike Lee laid out how former President Lyndon B. Johnson\u2019s battle to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964 has important implications for the adoption of the SAVE America Act during an interview with the Daily Caller on Monday.<\/p>\n

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Lee, a leading advocate and sponsor of the SAVE America Act \u2014 landmark election integrity legislation supported by President Donald Trump \u2014 cited the Senate\u2019s handling of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 as a historical example of how major legislation can advance even when the votes for cloture are not initially in place. (RELATED: Trump Cancels Housing Bill Signing Over SAVE America Act)<\/strong><\/p>\n

The Utah Senator explained that when the bill arrived in the Senate from the House in March 1964, supporters of the bill were still significantly short of the votes needed to invoke cloture \u2014 roughly 30 votes, though he noted even at the time the exact count was uncertain. As Lee explained, \u201cIt\u2019s a good example because they were clearly not close to achieving cloture when it arrived.\u201d<\/p>\n

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\n\"US\n<\/div>\n

US President Lyndon B. Johnson hands a pent to the Rev. Martin Luther King (2nd-R) after signing the historic Civil Rights Act in the East Room of the White House, in Washington, D.C., 02 July 1964. The Civil Rights Act of 1964, signed into law by United States President Lyndon B. Johnson on July 2, 1964, put an end to all forms of segregation and discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex or national origin. (Photo by AFP) (Photo by -\/AFP via Getty Images)<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

Drawing a parallel to his efforts to invoke the same talking filibuster to advance the SAVE America Act, Lee noted that then-President Johnson \u2014 a vocal supporter of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 \u2014 backed an aggressive floor strategy during the debate. At the time, Johnson urged Democratic Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield to keep the Senate in continuous, round-the-clock session to wear down opposition, a tactic LBJ had previously used as majority leader to advance civil rights legislation, according to a U.S. Senate historical report.<\/p>\n

Mansfield, however, rejected the proposal.<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

He argued that marathon sessions would turn the Senate into \u201ca circus or a sideshow,\u201d warning that the sight of senators appearing in \u201cbedroom slippers, without neckties, with hair uncombed and pajama tops sticking out\u201d would diminish the chamber\u2019s dignity.<\/p>\n

Rather than forcing continuous debate, Mansfield allowed the fight over the legislation to unfold over more than 50 days, insisting on preserving the Senate\u2019s \u201cdignity and decorum\u201d while keeping the bill on the floor until supporters ultimately secured enough votes to invoke cloture. In effect, grinding most other Senate business to a halt.<\/p>\n

Rather than personally managing every moment of the floor fight, like Johnson, Mansfield delegated much of the day-to-day debate to key allies, including soon-to-be Vice President Hubert Humphrey \u2014 then still a Democrat senator for Minnesota \u2014 and Democratic California Senator Thomas Kuchel, while he coordinated the broader legislative strategy behind the scenes.<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

Mansfield believed the lengthy debate served an important purpose. With many senators still undecided, he viewed the Senate as a deliberative body where extended discussion could persuade Democrat lawmakers and help opponents ultimately \u201caccept the legitimacy of the outcome,\u201d according to the Senator. (RELATED: House Cancels Votes As GOP Holdouts Revolt Over Failure To Pass SAVE America Act)<\/strong><\/p>\n

Asked whether he sees parallels between Mansfield\u2019s strategy and the approach the current GOP Senate should take to advance election integrity legislation, Lee said he does, though he noted there are important differences between Mansfield\u2019s effort and the current Senate under Republican Majority Leader John Thune.<\/p>\n

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\u201cI mean, you did have the majority leader who was saying, \u2018I\u2019m willing to do this, and that is what it takes.\u2019 In the modern Senate, you do need the support, active involvement, and engagement by the Senate Majority Leader in order for this to work,\u201d Lee said.<\/p>\n

Lee went on to note that one of the \u201cdistinct privileges\u201d of the leader is to set the chamber\u2019s schedule, and a talking filibuster is a \u201csignificant scheduling commitment.\u201d<\/p>\n

Lee said that during the 1964 legislative debate, Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield reinforced his commitment to ensuring passage by making it clear the chamber would remain on the bill for as long as necessary. To Lee\u2019s understanding, Mansfield told senators, \u201cWe\u2019re going to do this. We\u2019re going to pass it, and we\u2019re going to debate this for as many weeks as it takes in order to pass it. And they stayed in week in, week out.\u201d<\/p>\n

Noting he believes the Senate often debated on Saturdays and typically recessed on Sundays for church attendance, but otherwise remained in continuous session, he said it became increasingly clear Mansfield would not back down, \u201cAnd they saw that he meant it, especially when you get into it that far. When you get weeks into it, it\u2019s, \u2018oh my gosh, he\u2019s not messing around. This is serious.’\u201d (RELATED: Senate Ditches Town Early For Two-Week Recess As Save America Act Remains On Ice)<\/strong><\/p>\n

With national attention focused on the Senate, supporters of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 used the prolonged floor debate to build momentum for the legislation, while opponents relied on extended debate tactics in an effort to delay or weaken the bill.<\/p>\n

When the bill\u2019s supporters briefly failed to produce enough senators for a quorum call, Mansfield privately admonished colleagues, reminding them that \u201cthere comes a point in time when certain procedures must, in the best interest of the Senate, be laid down.\u201d Attendance quickly improved.<\/p>\n

Lee, who has faced pushback from his own party for his support for this approach, responded to criticism over why the Senate should prioritize the measure even with GOP control of both the legislative and executive branches. The Senator, responding to Thune and Republican Texas Sen. John Cornyn\u2019s argument that Republicans lack the votes, told the Caller that cloture is just one way to break a filibuster \u2014 and when you use only that method of breaking the filibuster \u2014 after a while, you can become convinced that it\u2019s the only way. But it\u2019s not the only way.\u201d<\/p>\n

The talking filibuster employed against the Civil Rights Act only lasted roughly 54\u201360 working days, or up to about 75 calendar days by some counts, beginning in late March 1964 and ending with final Senate passage on June 19, 1964. (RELATED: \u2018Cluster F*ck\u2019: Trump\u2019s Dramatic Feud With Senate Republicans Boils Over)<\/strong><\/p>\n

Lee cites the episode and use of the talking filibuster to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964 as a blueprint for how sustained floor debate and prolonged pressure can still, more than six decades later, be used to advance major legislation like the SAVE America Act.<\/p>\n

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Republican Utah Senator Mike Lee explains former President Lyndon B. 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